To conclude this manifesto, the following is a brief summary of the key points addressed:


Self-interest is a driving force for the vast majority of human behaviour. Incentives should never be underestimated in their importance in influencing the choices people make. By getting the government out of markets, the propensity for the state to create perverse incentives is drastically reduced. Respecting peoples personal freedoms, and the right for them to transact with each other freely and voluntarily ensures the self-regulation of markets. This way no central planner is needed, as the market itself adapts to shortages and surpluses via the price mechanism and laws of supply and demand. The only time in which a state may need to step in is to either ensure the protection of the market, or prevent those breaking the NAP. Further to this, innovation best arises when private entities are free and unhindered to compete in a NAP based environment. Not only does this advance human potential, but also protects the consumer from monopoly exploitation. Monopolies only exist with the aid of government through lobbying or other means of corporate welfare. Nationalisation of industries is just another form of monopolisation in which the state takes direct control of the production of goods and services. This inevitability leads to uncompetitive entities that are funded by tax-payer money, not voluntary transaction. Therefore, the price mechanism fails, and inefficiencies arise as well as a collapse in innovation. Taxes are inherently unjust, as it is  state-mandated theft. Taxes under Azadism would be reformed initially, before being removed entirely in the long-term. Meanwhile, an NIT (or UBI), should be implemented to provide the safety net instead of a welfare state that perpetuates poverty and takes away opportunity. Minimum wages too should be replaced by an NIT, thereby putting pressure off small businesses and onto the state to provide living wages.  Private charity replaces much of the social security function that the state formally would have provided. The state now is reduced to these 4 functions initially to be classed as Azadist:


1. National Defence

2. Policing

3. Justice System and Courts

4. Tax administration


From this, the state should gradually reduce its role, and further limit itself out of existence in the long term. Combined with a well armed populace, a Khalsa government is an ideal candidate to administer this process of handing power back into the hands of the people and away from tyrants. They could be organised as a decentralised Misl system made up of many competing groups, each with their own specialisations and Rehit Maryade. Finally, contracts are a crucial element in allowing different groups to set their own laws on top of the NAP based law system layer.



The level of discourse regarding these issues needs to update. As a Panth, we are so behind in these things it is disappointing. Looking through our history, it is understandable as to why, but nonetheless, this doesn’t excuse our present day ignorance. The blood of our Shaheeds is a currency. It has bought us today time and space in which to manoeuvre. We can either waste this resource and stick to old methods of fighting, simply tackling problems head-on without any planning, or become more strategic. Instead of being so reactive, we have to become proactive. Stop waiting around for a problem to arise before acting, for any actions by that point is already too late. It becomes damage control rather than implementing a real solution. This attitude in which we approach problems in the Panth needs to stop. We have become slaves to our emotions and thrown reason out the window. To use logic and reason in matters of Raajniti is to do Khandan of issues, breaking them down into parts and using our Bibek Buddhi to analyse.

But as of now, our faculty to do Khandan is impaired by emotion and leading us to ignorance and bad ideas. We approach situations too readily with our hearts and forget our brains. There is an important place for that in Bhagti, however, we cannot use that same thinking for everything. There is a Sama for each state of mind. This is why on the verge of battle, Guru Gobind Singh would send his court philosophers away on the reasoning that they will spend too much time deliberating and causing doubt. Unhelpful traits for a time like that, but great in times of peace. Understanding how to do Khandan is in itself a form of Shastarvidya, not of physical weapons but of mental. The world has moved on from fighting on horseback and stabbing or shooting our problems won’t solve them. Now is a time of information warfare, where ideas are the armies and the mind is the battlefield. There is currently a pandemic of ignorance infecting the Panth. For this reason, we act like sheep when problems arise and are dragged by the ear by perverse agendas and bad ideas. What we as a Panth need is a long-term, well thought out approach that takes into account the lessons of the past. We need to make our principles strong but our techniques fluid. Only then can we avoid future bloodshed and oppression by forces far smarter and resourceful than ourselves. In order to outmanoeuvre the enemy, we have to understand the enemy. But the first steps towards any of this is conquering your own minds. Change begins with yourself. Stop begging at the doorsteps of our enemies and take action in your own hands. Why would a thief grant justice to his victims? Especially when the thief is still plundering the homes of others, why expect compassion from them? Learn to use a system rather than it using you. This manifesto is only one step in this effort. You as the reader are encouraged to further solidify and apply this knowledge.


Whilst debate on the topic of central planning vs free markets is definitely a valid one, the need for advancing the discussion to answer some of the details in this manifesto is perhaps even more important. This is the level of discussion the Panth needs to be at in order to get ahead. If we want to seriously consider the possibility of our own nation state, or reforming an existing one, then sound economics need to be understood and implemented. We do not want to fall into the same pattern as all others before us. For these reasons, the following list of questions are just some areas that require further Vichaar:


  • How long should each phase last on the path to full privatisation?
  • What should be done about tariffs?
  • What is the policy on immigration?
  • Is UBI better than NIT?
  • What should the threshold income be for a NIT?
  • What should the flat tax rate be to begin with?
  • What type of tax should be implemented?
  • When should taxes be phased out entirely, if at all?
  • When does the right to be protected under the NAP apply?
  • How would the legal system contain the correct incentives to supply justice and avoid corruption?
  • What methods should be implemented to allow for communication between Misls?
  • What constitutes as a contract? What are the necessary components of one that clearly define the agreement and avoids future issues? Should a defined template be used?
  • What are the rules of engagement in potential battles between Misls?
  • How to integrate the latest advancements in technology into systems to reduce bureaucracy?
  • Should there be a death penalty?
  • What is the stance on patent and intellectual property rights?


These questions will at least be explored further by myself on the accompanying website and social media page. On these platforms, extra resources will be made available and any future publications or posts will be presented here.  You as the reader are also encouraged to participate especially.


Please get in touch if you would like to help contribute or write economic related articles yourself. The website will also detail some additional resources if you would like to continue learning about economics starting with Milton Friedman’s ‘Free to Choose’ series. Additionally, you are encouraged to look through the resources provided in the Notes sections. Please also follow on social media to keep up to date with future posts and information.


A final note for the Khalsa. Stop looking for leaders to guide you, we already have them as Sikhs. They are our Gurus, and they have given us a wealth of lessons. Abandon a mindset that if we could only get the right person in charge, then things would be so much better. Not only is it almost impossible to find them, but even those who appear strong-willed, moral and of high character can submit to change. This is one of the key lessons in Rattan Singh Bhangu’s Panth Prakash in telling the story of Banda Singh Bahadur. Even that person who was given Khande di Pahaul by Guru Gobind Singh themselves were still susceptible to failure. Understand that the Guru decentralised power and gave sovereignty onto the Khalsa Panth as a whole for a reason. Stop acting like beggars and become kings of your own kingdoms. Realise that wherever you put your foot is Khalsa Raj. Develop a love for freedom and oppose all that threaten it. The great philosopher Alan Watts once gave a lecture about happiness. He talked about the difference between how happiness is thought about in the west versus the east. In the west, happiness is something you “attain”, an addition to yourself. However, in the east, it is seen as something inherent, that you get to by removing external barriers to it. Freedom is the same. It cannot be given, it is the natural state of all things. Similarly, so is love, compassion, honesty, contentment and humility. These are what is left when the Panj Chor are removed. Even more fundamentally, when the ego itself is removed all you are left with is everything else - God itself. Stop waiting for reincarnations of great Singhs in our past, and instead become great Singhs of today. This is true sovereignty, recognising that the Akaal Purakh outside you is the same one that is inside you. You are that which you seek, if only you take the initiative to recognise what you have been blessed with. Take Raaj, don’t wait to be given it.